Travelogue: Kathmandu 2008 - Part 1 (Reminiscence of My Old Kathmandu)

>> Saturday, July 12, 2008

By Ajay Pradhan | July 12, 2008

I've been meaning to write about my now not-so-recent trip to Kathmandu for a visit with families and friends, ever since I returned to Canada from the trip in March. I had not been to Nepal in ... well, let's just say, in a long, long time.

The main reason of my trip was to visit the family and relatives, most of all my beloved mother. The last time I had seen her was in Baltimore many years ago, when she was returning to Nepal after a year-long visit to the U.S. to be with me and my brother. My brother had just graduated from Johns Hopkins and I, couple of years earlier, from Duke. A year is too long to have passed without seeing my mom. I feel numb just to think about it, but I don't know how I let all these years pass without seeing her once since I bid her farewell at Baltimore-Washington International Airport. Living in an adopted homeland has its opportunities, but it's certainly not without huge sacrifices. It's a price that, I'm afraid, many immigrants pay year in and year out. It's a price that I'm not sure anymore is worth the sacrifice at all. Life away from home and family comes with much ambivalence.

The second reason of my trip was to see my friends, many of whom I had simply lost touch with over the years. Some were still in touch with me, but the contacts were much too few and far between. I guess we all got caught up in the rigors of our own lives and life's exigencies and urgent demands. I looked forward to seeing them, relive our past with them, maybe share a drink or two with them, and reclaim the friendship we had, sadly, kept in hibernation for many years. I needed to feel the deep bonds of friendship and feel once again that friendship is as important in life as anything else... like being in love. Okay, maybe not quite, but you get my drift, don't you?

The final reason was to see the city I grew up in ... and walk it's streets again, like I used to in the past. Not just the streets and the buildings, the temples, the rivers, the parks, and the bridges in the city, but people that breathe life into any place. I needed to go sit in restaurants and buy things from stores... just for the heck of it. I needed to rediscover my old Kathmandu, my beloved hometown... the town that taught me how to find my spot, stake a claim as a young man with ambitions, and my own standing in the circle of friends, acquaintances and relatives. After years of being away from my native land, I needed to rediscover myself in it. I needed to see it, breathe its air, and feel its vibrancy with my heart, my guts and my nerves.

[End of Part 1]

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Nepal Politics: Do Maoists Have A Hidden Agenda?

>> Thursday, May 29, 2008

Note: I wrote this email today to a dear and respected friend of mine. I have removed his name to respect privacy; everything else is presented unedited.

Dear ...... ...,

Thank you for sharing the interview. Interesting interview.

It seems like the Maoist leadreship is mentally struggling between two choices: 1) Stay the dogmatic course of their party namesake, Mao, or 2) Become a modern political party with the characteristic of UML.

They may dream of going down the dogmatic and ideologial path of Mao in their often-repeated phase-wise revolution and arriving at what I consider to be a forever-elusive communist utopia. If they chose to go down that path, the unyielding demands of a modern society for free will shall crush them like it has in Mao's own homeland China. People will suffer during their campaign for a utopia, but they will not reach their goal. I am less afraid about their achieving ultimate goal of shoving their utopian goal down people's throat, for I don't believe they will be successful, than the suffering that their campaign (not their achievement) will unleash on the general public, especially the middle class. I'm afraid some in their leadership might still harbor a strong belief that to achieve a classless society is possible only by eliminating the middle class rather than by uplifting the poor and downtrodden. If Maoists chose this path, NC and UML will have to fight to put up a challenge by winning the hearts of the masses.

If they choose the second option, they can endure politically, earn the label of a pragmatist party, and be accepted by the global community of nations. Personally, I have no problem with such a political dispensation.

The coming days, months and years will show which path they will chose to walk on.

Regards,

Ajay

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Stepping Up Canada-Nepal Diplomatic Relations: A Task for Non-Resident Nepali Association

>> Thursday, May 8, 2008



Ajay Pradhan
 | October 8, 2008 

Canada does not have an embassy or even a consulate general in Kathmandu. Nepalis who wish to visit Canada have to submit their visa applications in New Delhi. Several years ago, the brother of a Nepali living in Surrey, a Vancouver suburb, applied for a visitor visa (Canadian government calls it Temporary Resident Visa) to come visit him, who was in hospital for a major surgery. The Canadian High Commission in New Delhi summoned him to the Indian capital for an interview. He had submitted with his application a letter from the sick brother's hospital, endorsing his application. The visa officer denied him visa. Reason? The visa officer said, no sufficient connection with Nepal. 

The brother applied again the next day, with no additional documentation. The High Commission invited him for another interview couple of days alter. They granted him a visa. He spent six days in New Delhi. A year later, another Nepali from Vancouver invited his mother-in-law and sister-in-law for a visit to Canada. They sent their visa applications to New Delhi from Kathmandu. The mother-in-law got her visa, without having to travel to New Delhi. However, the sister-in-law was asked to come for an interview in New Delhi. She was denied visa three times before being granted it the fourth time she submitted her application with additional documentation. 

The reason for visa denial was the same--no sufficient connection with Nepal. One piece of additional documentation she submitted the fourth time was a letter from this Vancouver Nepali, which made the case that the sister-in-law has a well-established family in Kathmandu and the temptation to default on her obligation to leave Canada at the end of the visa expiration date just did not exist. 

 Then there was a Nepali couple who was traveling to the United States as guests of a U.S. Congressman to attend an international event in Washington, D.C. The wife had a sister living in Richmond, another Vancouver suburb. The sister in Richmond had just given birth to a baby. It was a perfect time for the couple to extend their travel from the U.S. to Canada. A month before leaving for the U.S., they submitted their visa application at the Canadian High Commission in New Delhi in person. For the couple, to go to New Delhi wasn't much of a big deal as it was for the previous visitors, as they had a well established business in New Delhi. The visa officer denied them visa even upon resubmitting application for the third time. 

They traveled to Washington, D.C., hopeful that they'd be granted a Canadian visa if they applied in Washington, D.C. They were hopeful especially given the fact that they were a guest of a U.S. Congressman. Guess what? They were denied visa there, too. Reason? Since the Canadian High Commission in New Delhi had already denied them visa, Canadian Embassy in Washington, D.C. would not consider revising the decision. These are real examples and they defy logic of common sense. But, as much as they are deplorable, 

I'm not here to fight the discretionary powers of the visa officers in Canadian embassies around the world. The one singular point I want to make here is this--Nepali travelers who want to visit the U.S. have less hassle to go through in obtaining a U.S. visitor visa than those who want to travel to Canada. The reason is simple. Canada does not have an embassy or a consulate general in Kathmandu. Having a Canadian embassy in Kathmandu has benefit not only for prospective Nepali travelers but also for those Nepalis who are Canadian residents or Canadian citizen who travel to Nepal. 

In February this year, I traveled to Nepal. A week before I was traveling back to Canada, I lost a briefcase with my Canadian travel documents. Without those travel documents, I wouldn't be able to return to Canada. So, I contacted the local Canadian Cooperation Office in Kathmandu to ask how I could obtain replacement travel documents. The CCO official told me it would take approximately 7 to 10 days to obtain such a document because the application for such a document would have to be sent to New Delhi. 

I did not have 7 days, let alone 10. Now, it's a different matter that I found the lost briefcase in time. I had left it in a taxicab. The cab driver had the good sense and honesty to go through the trouble of finding my address and bring it back to me. Needless to say, he received a reward and, more importantly, my gratitude. 

If there was a local Canadian embassy in Kathmandu, I would have likely obtained replacement travel documents on an emergency basis. More involved diplomatic relations is important for Nepal politically, too. More intense diplomatic relations would enhance Nepal's image and its sovereignty in the international arena. It is through diplomatic relations that a country raises its international profile. 

Nepal needs to stand up with international partners and grow out of China-India spheres of influence. Because diplomacy works on reciprocity, Nepal should consider establishing an embassy in Canada or at least a consulate general. Then Nepal government should enter into dialog with Canadian government and invite Canadian diplomatic presence in Kathmandu. Nepali societies in Canada have, on occasions, lobbied the federal government in Ottawa to establish a consulate general or at least a visa office in Kathmandu. 

I know that Nepal Cultural Society of British Columbia (NCSBC), for example, has lobbied Ottawa two-three times in the past years. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) always sends a twin set of letters, one from the Minister of Foreign Affairs and another from the Minister of International Trade, with a stock answer: Canada has no plans of establishing a consulate general in Kathmandu at this time as it is not economically justifiable. 

It is incredible that a rich country like Canada uses such a feeble logic as a justification against opening a consulate general in a foreign country. Canada has a high commission (i.e., embassy) in New Delhi, and consulate generals in Chandigarh, Chennai and Mumbai. Not many years ago, Indians in Canada successfully lobbied Ottawa to establish a consulate general in Chandigarh. 

 Of course, there are not as many Nepalis in Canada as there are Indians. So, this calls for pooling the strength of our Nepali diaspora in lobbying both the Canadian and Nepali governments to establish diplomatic presence in each other's capitals on the basis of reciprocity. For both countries it would be an investment worth its money. 

 The Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA), its international and national coordination councils, including the newly constituted NRN-Canada National Coordination Council should initiate a concerted campaign to lobby both Canadian and Nepali governments to step up their diplomatic presence in each other's capitals. NRNA should take this up as a priority task for 2009. It's time for NRNA to grow new wings and add diplomacy as a role for it to act on, in addition to philanthropy and foreign direct investment.

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Nostalgia: My Childhood House and the Environment

>> Tuesday, January 15, 2008

By Ajay Pradhan | January 15, 2008

When I was a boy growing up in Kathmandu, my family rented out part of our main house, the front yard, and the entire second house fronting a street to several businesses. Three that I will mention here included a newspaper publishing business that operated a printing press in the basement of our house, an electric appliance and parts store, and a hardware store.

I grew up playing many different sports and games with my siblings and cousins and, on occasions, with neighbourhood friends, on our property—football, hockey, cricket, basketball, badminton, tennis, table tennis, other ball games like 7-Stones, hide-and-go-seek, marbles, you name it. If there was a game that could be improvised, we did it. We rarely went anywhere else to play. When we had a real football, we played it. When the football went missing, we kicked large, unripe grapefruits that we picked from our orchard garden that occupied half of our front yard, to the protest of our grandmothers. Yes, grandmothers. I had two of them on my dad's side. One was the mother of my father. The other was my dad’s aunt, the wife of my grandfather’s younger brother. I never saw my grandfather or his brother. They had both passed away when my dad was still a boy himself.

Ours was a joint family. We all lived together in the same house. It was a large, joint family. But the house was large, too; with 8-foot walled backyard and front lawn, a garden, a small orchard with apple, pomegranate, persimmon, guava, pear, plum, grapefruit and fig trees, berries, annual banana plants, and seasonal vegetables. I didn’t feel it then, but now I think that in the middle of the town center, our residence was a sheltered oasis. And so was my childhood; sheltered and protected.

Things were different then, though. Ours was a family that was educated and urban and politically conscious. My father and uncles were freedom fighters before I was born, before all of my siblings and most of my cousins were born. They were among those who liberated the country from the 104 year-long autocracy and, thereafter, were members of the ruling party. An uncle became a minister in the government. Dad became a Bada Hakim (chief officer) of Birgunj, where coincidentally my mom was born and raised. Years later, mom told me and my siblings that before she and dad were married, dad would be in plane flights, dropping leaflets over Birgunj during the revolution, canvassing against the autocracy. As the plane flew over my mom's family's house, mom’s family would say, “Congressis are dropping leaflets from the plane.” Mom, a teenager at the time, would look up in the sky with awe, little knowing that she was destined to marry a man in that plane, who was dropping leaflets over her head. For her, the leaflets perhaps carried more than the message of freedom; they probably carried the message of love.

Before I digress, let me come back to the story of my family house, because this is not so much a story of my family as it is of my house. I remember the printing press quite well. It was an old technology that used hand-set printing blocks using lead slugs sorted in a type case. The lead slugs had to be recast frequently as they wore out during the printing process. Each slug or type had an inverted, embossed letter, just like the old typewriters. A technician would have to set each and every word and sentence using one type at a time—quite laborious. Outside the typing room, out in the open, a worker would melt lead in a cast iron wok. With childhood curiosity and amazement, I used to watch it from close. The molten lead, which looked like mercury, would be poured into typecasts and left to cool and set. To increase our amazement, the technician would pour some molten lead onto the ground surface, let it cool, and award us for watching them do their work with solid, round block of lead. Now as I think back to those days, and with appreciation of the consequence of lead contamination, I can’t help but wonder how much molten lead must have been poured onto the bare ground surface and what would be the concentration of total lead in soil.

Lead wasn’t the only thing that amazed and amused me. My siblings, cousins and I played around in the lawn and yards. One favourite thing for us to do was to hide and let others seek. The hardware store tenant frequently had stacks of corrugated asbestos sheets used as roofing material at a corner of our yard. Often the asbestos would be quite easily frayed and broken, releasing asbestos fibers into the air. Not any of us knew then that asbestos was a health hazard and could cause serious health effects just as we didn’t know that lead contamination was a health hazard as well. We hid behind the stack of asbestos sheets. We sat on the stack. We pulled the asestos fibers with curiosity.

When the printing press moved out, the space it occupied was rented by an electric appliance and parts dealership. They used the space for office and storage purposes. Whatever damaged electrical parts they had, they stored it outside for disposal. I wonder now if any of those damaged electrical parts contained PCB or if any PCB had leaked into the ground. We did not know what PCB was, nor did we know about its severe health hazards and cancer-causing properties.

Is my old residence in Kathmandu a contaminated site? If I were to do an environmental site assessment of my residence for any potential contamination, I’m afraid I’d likely find contamination that ought to be remediated. But, I am not sure if Nepal has any regulatory framework for requiring such an investigation for any kind of property. Who would be liable for the cost of assessment and any remediation work, my family or those business tenants from the past?

Am I concerned about my health and that of my family members due to potential lead, asbestos and PCB contamination in the past? I don’t dwell on it or lose sleep over it. But, yes, I do feel uncomfortable when I think of this small aspect of my growing-up years in Kathmandu. Mostly I try not to think about it because there are innumerable good memories from my childhood that I’d rather reflect upon.

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Bulldog and Pussycat

>> Saturday, January 12, 2008

By Ajay Pradhan | January 12, 2008

I am a brown Bulldog, with my ugly jowl
She, a cute Pussycat with her feline grace
Our masters were next-door neighbours
Yet, they didn't get along very well

My master put an edict on me,
Like a judge from his lectern,
Bulldog, don't you ever be friends
With that Pussycat from now on.

Her master was no less stern,
He declared with a big sway,
If you ever go next door,
Pussycat,I'll send you off far away.

We defied our masters,
But with no disrespect meant
With deliberate discretions,
Cause they're still gents

So, in July last year,
She summoned her courage
She hopped and she jumped
And appeared on my window ledge

We played and we laughed
And we danced until we were tired
Then we lay down and snuggled
And whispered sweet nothings until we both slumbered

Serene in her sleep
She lay next to me
Oblivious of my tender gaze
Upon her blissful face

I tenderly cupped her chin with my paw
Slowly, but surely, her eyes opened
And when she looked into my eyes
I knew at that moment I was in love

This is the story of our romance
And the story of the beginning of our true love
Our romance, the celebration of our love
Our love, the foundation of our romance

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Political Commentary: Maoist Insurgency in Nepal

>> Saturday, November 10, 2007

Note: I wrote this commentary in September 2002, when the Maoist insurgency in Nepal was running rampant violence and was at it's peak. Six years since then, having won the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election, the Maoists are at the cusp of power. Will they finally renounce violence and enter the worldstage of civilized political forces? The time will tell.
Maoist Insurgency and Political Bosses:
Extreme Culture of Violence and Corruption

By Ajay Pradhan | September 27, 2002

Two distinct groups dominate Nepal's current political scene. Both claim to be champions of the poor people. Let me be blunt - there is little evidence that supports their claim. In fact, both are working to the detriment of the country. One group, in the name of people's movement, is doing it's best to shove it's radical political philosophy down people's throat. Everyone knows the members of this group as Maobadi. They used to be smart (now they are only brutally violent). They correctly identified the pervasive forces of poverty -- factors that can directly and only be attributed to the other group. I am compelled to call that other group Khaobadi. You might want to call them political leaders belonging to mainstream establishment, yet fragmented, political blocks.

Maobadis and Khaobadis are not working together; they are working in parallel streams but to the same result -- destruction of public faith in political process. This erosion of public faith is because of the escalating violent culture of Maoists and the entrenched culture of corruption perpetuated by political bosses, their bosses, and their bosses' bosses. They have both hidden agenda replete with ulterior motives. Public welfare is not one of them. Predictably, they rhetorically and almost monotonously try to have you believe otherwise.

Maobadis pronounce they are people's party -- working to improve the welfare of the proletariat. They want to build a different kind of a nation state. Their purported mission is the demolition of economic stratification because, as they claim, too few people hold too much wealth and power. They want to shift that power to the people and redistribute wealth from rich to the poor. What else is this argument but, as we all, of course, know, the Maoists' political mantra recited too often? Is it a wrong assertion? I have to admit not, even though I wish it were.

I would like to venture away from the predictable and familiar vein of argument. I cannot but admit that many of the issues they have raised are legitimate. Despite each and every five-year plan's emphasis on the agriculture sector, have the peasants not been left behind in economic progress and remained in subsistence condition? Has BCN (Bahun-Chhetri-Newar) nexus not dominated Nepal's politics, bureaucracy, army/police, and commerce? Has Civil Code (Muluki Ain) not blatantly supported patriarchal inheritance? Has capital and social expenditure, for the most part, not neglected rural regions? Has bureaucracy not largely remained for the elite, of the elite, and by the elite? Have foreign aid moneys not been unabashedly misused to line the pockets of the elite bureaucrats and corrupt politicians? Have minister after every other minister not been corrupt? (Maybe there are exceptions - and if there are exceptions, that's what they are -- exceptions!) And, last but not the least, let's face it, has monarchy not been, for the lack of a more elegant word, a sucker -- a leech? What is the long-lasting sociopolitical exigency that demands perpetuation of the throne whose heirs have only embarrassed Nepal abroad and insulted and murdered its subjects under the influence of alcohol? Frankly, the institution has become costly, useless, uninspiring, unmotivating, and, arguably, redundant.

So, the Maoists have indeed raised legitimate issues. But, that is very plain and simple for everyone to see. Their benevolence stops there. The million dollar question is, Why have they raised those issues? Because they want to solve poor people's problems? I much doubt it. In fact, I think they are just taking up these issues to throw dirt in people's eyes. They say they want to effect a shift of power from the elite to the poor. But, in reality, they are just using the poor people and issues close to their heart, so that they have something to legitimize their real intent. And, their real intent is not shifting power from elite to the poor, but, in the name of the proletariat, they want to usurp power themselves.

Maoists were smart, as I pointed out in the outset. But, their unbridled hunger for power has pushed them to the extreme and converted their revolutionary zeal into violent terrorism. Correctly demanding universal education for all children, yet terrorizing teachers, even beheading some, is antagonistic. Using their rural charisma or force or whatever to mobilize poor peasants to fight against elite domination, yet not embracing democratic means of using those peasants to canvass support for their legitimate causes, is another antagonism. I mean, come on, if they can convince so many poor peasants to fight for them, even sacrifice their lives, I'm sure they could bring about tumultuous political change without having to resort to abhorrent violence.

Gullible, vulnerable poor people from rural areas with little to lose either do not recognize Maoists' real intent or do not want to even try. They have become a mere vehicle for Maoists, yet they either do not know it or do not even care. They have been so neglected by the politicians, the Khaobadis, that they have become disillusioned. And, as long as they remain disillusioned, government's use of force (read Shahi Nepali Sena) to eradicate Maoist insurgency will not be successful. As long as the feeling of social injustice and unfairness is pervasive, Maoists will continue to exploit the feeling to perpetuate their movement through cycle of violence. Will the Maoists be successful in getting what they want? With what they are doing, I doubt it. Their violent movement is like a brushfire -- it will stop burning eventually. Not because firefighters were successful, but because there was no more forest left to burn. By the time Maoist insurgency goes the way the Naxalites of North Bengal did, Nepal will have seen more misery. Maobadis will have caused the misery, but the actual culprits, as the history will tell us, will be the Khaobadis, the political bosses that see it as their birthright to do as they please.

09/27/02

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Environment and Development: Political Economy and International Aid

>> Saturday, August 4, 2007

Political Economy of Environmental Problems in Developing Countries:
Implications for International Development Assistance Efforts


Ajay S. Pradhan

It's Policy, Stupid

When we consider the hundreds of millions of dollars spent on "foreign aid" and Third World "development" over the last several decades in conjunction with the claims that the world's poor are becoming poorer and increasing in number, it would seem that a rigorous stock-taking and evaluation is in order. Such assessment and self-criticism is undoubtedly occurring in many bilateral and international development aid agencies. However, this will never go far enough without penetrating studies of the development process itself through the analysis of the political economy of recipient countries.

The international aid operations have spawned vast bureaucracies. Aimed at reducing the gap between the "have" and "have not" countries and improving the lot of the world's poor and underprivileged, those operations have, in many instances, implanted or enlarged local privilege and affluence, separated large numbers of poor people from access to natural resources and, directly or indirectly, damaged the local environments. Much of this dismal process has been typified by actual or unintentional arrogance based upon the assumption that modern science and technology and western educated elites have the answers to all the problems in the Third World. In Nepal, for example, the great number of virtually competing foreign aid projects has placed the central government in the cleft stick of inability to control its own policy development.

There exists a tendency on the part of bilateral and international development aid agencies to see the temporary provisions of technical experts, dissemination of knowledge, and the training of Third World technicians as sufficient responses to serious environmental degradation in the developing countries. The importance of disseminating knowledge and assisting the Third World countries to overcome lack of skilled labor is great. However, ignorance and poor technical training are not the only things at fault. Political and economic constraints may be important impediments to preservation of environmental quality even though there are enough skilled workers.

Environmental problems in many Third World countries are often the manifestations of bad political and economic policies. Development aid agencies must not ignore this fact in administering funds to help developing countries deal with the problems. This essay critically examines the political economy of environmental problems in developing countries, and its implications for international development aid efforts.

Development Aid at What Price?

Evolutionary changes are underway in the focus of international development assistance organizations. Because of these changes and the efforts of international conservation movement, bilateral and multilateral development aid programs in the environmental and natural resources sector have expanded greatly in recent years. An increasing number of environmental management pilot projects have been implemented and some have even shown signs of success in helping people design local watershed management techniques, village woodlots, and soil conservation systems.

However, in many developing countries where people depend on forests, pastures, and agricultural lands for their livelihood and welfare, significant deterioration in the productivity of these environmental resources continues. The question of how these countries are going to stabilize and then appropriately manage their resource base is made complicated by numerous political and economic factors that are often overlooked.

Despite their expressed concern for highlighting the serious environmental problems that are rampant in developing countries, development assistance organizations and international conservation organizations have sometimes failed to examine the underlying political and economic dynamics of resource and environmental abuse in the Third World. Environmental abuse and mismanagement are often a result of complex political and economic circumstances and incentives prevailing in individual countries. The results may be similar in similar ecosystems all over the world—deforestation, soil erosion, desertification, etc—but the causes of such environmental degradation may vary widely from place to place, region to region, and country to country. This variation has significant implications for the natural resource management and environmental protection efforts of international development assistance agencies and developing country governments.

The generalization of environmental problems by development aid agencies can lead to an oversimplification of solutions proposed at the local level. No environmental policy, plans, programs or guidelines can be successful if they overlook the basic fact that environmental abuse is rampant in the developing world because of much larger and more complex failings of individual political and economic systems. In such a context, resource abuse at the local level or national strategies for depleting forest and fishery resources may well represent the most expedient responses by countries and individuals to situations which would otherwise require fundamental political and economic reforms. Or, power and authority may be exercised to shift the costs of environmental externalities from one group in society to another.

Resource Abuse - Poverty or Greed?

In many cases, the poor, especially the rural poor, suffer great costs, while those with political power may actually gain from a strategy of environmental exploitation. At the same time, there is a tendency to overemphasize the extent to which the poverty-population conundrum is the predominant reason for environmental abuse in the poorest countries. While the link between poverty, population and serious degradation of renewable natural resources in many countries is certainly important, such a viewpoint understates the complex factors that make environmental abuse the most logical short-term strategy for people to pursue. Overpopulation and absolute poverty are not necessarily the primary causes.

For some poor people, the farming of steep and eroded hillsides and collecting fuelwood may well be the only alternative to starving or freezing. But, examined as cumulative regional phenomena, deforestation in Nepal, and desertification in the Sahel are much more than the result of poverty-stricken people trying to eke out a living. Invariably, deeply rooted political and administrative structures and economic incentives induce the poor and not so poor to cut trees or abuse the earth's soil. Corrupt officials, overly centralized bureaucracies, inequitable land tenure patterns, or pressures for short-term successes and projects may make reckless use of the land quite rational and often lucrative.

Moreover, the image of millions of poor people abusing the land, day in day out, year after year, thereby diminishing a wide area to a barren, eroded zone or dustbowl, in a continuous sequence is probably only a partially accurate portrayal of much environmental abuse that takes place in the third world. People the world over react to a continuous series of short-term circumstances that significantly affect at any given time the degree to which they abuse or care for their local environment -- whether general economic outlook, prices, political pressures, etc. Because of these changing external factors, degeneration of renewable resources often takes place in short, intensive periods rather than at one constant rate.

Often after a surge of degradation -- caused by one-shot deforestation, migratory agriculturalists or pastoralist, or a confluence of poor economic return -- the natural or human abuse is slowed and the lands attain a new, if diminished, threshold for their carrying capacity. While nature does not itself change rapidly, it is often diminished at a rapid and erratic pace with, perhaps, periods of relative stability in between. This fact may call for different approaches to the problem of encouraging better land management and conservation practices among the millions who live off the land in developing countries.

In addition, environmental degradation in developing nations is often portrayed as a "tragedy of the commons" -- no single individual has an interest in taking positive steps and collective action does not take place, so in the long term everyone suffers as lands are degraded. This is the way how international community has viewed the desertification problem in the countries in several African nations. But this image of the tragedy of the commons fails to illustrate that some benefit more than others from the short-term abuse of the land and that they might not benefit at all if collective actions were taken to implement sustainable land management practices.

Therefore, from a social sciences perspective, there is still a need to delineate more clearly: a) the diverse causes of resource and environmental degradation in the third world countries; b) why human pursuits lead to degradation of some ecosystems and enhancement of others; and c) how a strategy of environmental exploitation, whether implicit or explicit, may be quite integral for various nations, groups, or individuals pursuing disparate goals under a wide variety of political and economic circumstances.

Therefore, it is important to examine these concerns, and see how manipulation of political power by certain groups, lack of personal and territorial security, numerous economic incentives and disincentives, and the development planning and administration process itself often motivate environmental abuse even when the adverse consequences are obvious. This, of course, raises the question of whether development planners and development assistance agencies should try to treat the symptom or the cause.

Political Influence

Natural resources are finite and scarce everywhere; there is not enough for everyone to enjoy unlimited benefits from these resources. Consequently, governments have to allocate access to scarce resources through various means. The government could either do this by setting out priorities for the use of resources or by ensuring the protection of the "property rights" of institutions and individuals who have already secured access not available to everyone.

Besides their finiteness and scarcities, natural resources can be limited in their ability to contribute to the economic welfare of different groups when access to those resources is restricted. But differential access to basic natural resources in one place also can contribute to environmental degradation in other places. Within specified geographical areas, access to land for agriculture and other land uses is rarely equally distributed among the inhabitants. Groups and individuals with privileged positions within the state, or whose group access is protected by the government through the assignment of appropriate property rights, usually possess the most fertile lands, the best forests, and the rights to scarce water.

In many instances, the monopolization of lucrative resources by few rich people leaves many poor people dependent on land, which is marginal and ill-endowed with natural resources. The carrying capacity of such marginal lands is easily exceeded when large numbers of people have no other means of securing a living except to work the land around them. Therefore, environmental degradation in many areas is an outcome of lopsided distribution of land, water, and other natural resources.

The mountainous and hilly areas of Nepal are an example of marginal areas subject to intensive and often destructive use by poor people who do not have access to limited lands in flatter, more fertile terrain of the plains, the southern food-growing belt. A large percentage of the area under cultivation in mountainous and hilly areas is susceptible to soil erosion. People who of necessity toil in the marginal areas generally cannot lay claim to other resources to help improve their lands -- they are remote from key urban centers, they participate only marginally in politics, they are amongst the poorest and least educated, and they have relatively low social status. As a result, large development projects or financing available from governments and external aid programs also tend to be focused in other areas.

Territorial Insecurity

Lack of well-defined property rights over lands often gives rise to a sense of insecurity. Security from usurpation is a fundamental requisite for long-term land stewardship. Unless people feel that the proceeds of investments to protect and improve future land productivity will accrue to them, they will not make an effort to protect the land. This security is lacking in many parts or the developing world.

For example, in the late 1960s in Nepal, the government's decision to nationalize all forests in the country led to a rapid conversion of forestlands to farmlands, as forestland owners were "rational" enough to protect their lands from being usurped by the State by converting forestlands to agricultural lands. The result was a rapid and large-scale deforestation throughout the country. Until the late 1970s, the government assumed that placing forests under the control of the Forest Department would ensure proper use. The result was just the opposite. More recently, the policy has gradually shifted and the current approach is to devolve control of forests to local community, re-institutionalizing the common-property resource management system in the forestry sector.

For poor people living in subsistence level, security is, however, not simply the freedom from expropriation of property. Poor people who work the land will not or cannot make investments to maintain long-term productivity if this entails too much sacrifice from present consumption.

Another potential cause of environmental degradation is the constant insecurity of land tenure that many poor people throughout the world must endure. In both rural and urban areas, people are reluctant to take steps to protect or improve the land around them if they do not have some reasonable assurance that they will be permitted to continue occupying that land.

Degradation of the local environment may also be encouraged when governments exercise political power to force people to move from one place to another. When governments try to dictate where people settle, one consequence can be a failure by those so coerced to care for their adopted environment.

Role of Governments

In many instances, governments are directly responsible for environmental deterioration. Often governments simply do not have capability and the will to check the undesirable trends. In many cases, governments simply lack financial resources and commitment to provide for adequate protection of natural resources from abuse. Faced with immediate economic constraints, governments are often easily attracted by short-term solutions to environmental problems. Such short-term solutions may very well be popular among the often-ignorant rural people. For the governments, permitting unlawful abuse of natural resources may be far easier than providing alternatives for people in need or implementing political and economic reforms that might reduce the pressures that lead to abuse.

Sometimes long-term environmental rehabilitation programs do not succeed because governments do not afford adequate protection or seek people's participation. In Nepal, reforestation programs have been plagued by administrative problems and the inability of the government to police reforested areas, as well as the lack of people's participation. This problem of cutting down trees will persist as long as people have no alternate sources of fuel to cook food and heat their homes in winter.

In some cases, local groups strongly protest or simply ignore government efforts to institute conservation policies because this would amount to a forced reduction of present levels of income. And in many other cases corrupt government officials and political leaders abuse their authority and exploit resources for personal gains. Those who are responsible for implementing regulations are themselves engaged in unlawful activities. Such actions by powerful and rich individuals often encourage general people to squander the resources further.

The Way Forward

The failure to manage natural resources and to contain the most serious forms of environmental degradation is quite often symptoms of broader problems. Any attempt to design strategies to reduce environmental abuse in developing countries must begin with an understanding of how intricately the various forms of resource and environmental mismanagement are interwoven into the fabric of individual political-economic systems. This fact must be accommodated by international development aid agencies in their effort to help the developing nations around the world in managing their environmental resources.

The development aid agencies must take into consideration all key aspects of political economy relating to natural resources of a country if they really want to be helpful in the sound management of natural resources. They should try to help people in developing countries to overcome resource and environmental problems in a way that is not foreign to the local people.

The stakes in devising better approaches are quite large. In many developing countries today, no single achievement would be more important for the welfare of the masses of poor people than the stabilization and enhancement of environmental and natural resources to ensure sustainable and improved production from the land. If development aid agencies consider the implications of the political economy of environmental resources in the third world countries, they will be successful in providing help, and not merely aid.

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